China Trends Conference 4/26

During World War II, as FDR developed his vision for a post-war global order, he made a surprising decision. Against the wishes of his closest ally, Winston Churchill, FDR envisioned a world where China played a leading role as a great power. Given China’s dim prospects at the time, Roosevelt’s prediction was remarkably foresighted.

Come learn about the main trends that will affect China’s strategic behavior in the near future with the European Center of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats (Hybrid CoE), a joint EU-NATO project.

Experts from over a dozen EU and NATO countries will be at Adams House in April preparing a set of reports on the internal and external factors that will drive China’s strategic behavior over the next few years. The experts* have agreed to share their initial findings with the Harvard community on Friday, April 26, 11:00am-12:30pm, in the Lower Common Room of Adams House (26 Plympton St., Cambridge).

RSVP Required

*Gunther Hauser, Una Bērziņa-Čerenkova, Matti Nojonen, and Juliette Genevaz will be presenting on behalf of the 14 experts

More information on the Hybrid CoE, below.

 

 

The European Center of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats (Hybrid CoE), joint EU-NATO Center of Excellence is an international hub operating through our networks of practitioners and experts. Our goal is to build member states’ and institutions’ capabilities and enhance EU-NATO cooperation in countering hybrid threats.

  • 20 participating countries: Austria, Canada, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Poland, Romania, Spain, Sweden, the Netherlands, the UK, the US.

  • Hybrid threat can be characterized as coordinated and synchronized action, that deliberately targets democratic states’ and institutions systemic vulnerabilities, through a wide range of means

The functions of Hybrid CoE include the following:

  • to investigate and examine hybrid influencing targeted to Western democracies by state and non-state actors and to map participants vulnerabilities and improve their resilience and response

  • to conduct tailored training and arrange scenario-based exercises for practitioners aimed at enhancing the member states individual capabilities, as well as interoperability between and among member states, the EU and NATO for countering hybrid threats;

  • to conduct research and analysis into hybrid threats and methods to counter such threats;

  • to engage with and invite dialogue with governmental, non-governmental experts and practitioners from a wide range of professional sectors and disciplines aiming at improving situational awareness of hybrid threats.

 

 

 

Taiwan Versus the Beijing Narrative

 

As a European in Taiwan, I came to understand why the conflict of Taiwan is often misunderstood in the West. The knowledge about the civil war between the Kuomintang and Communists, resulting in the retreat of Chiang Kai-shek and his troops to the island, is not widely known. The implications of the term “One China,“ therefore, leaves many Westerners clueless. When Chinese President Xi Jinping deals with the island as if it were a defecting province, as he did at the 19th Communist Party Congress this week, he sounded somewhat legitimate.

 

Surely, Western governments are aware of the complicated situation and the pending threat, but they may feel that their hands are tied. Europe has always looked to the United States of America when it came to supporting Taiwan. Now, with declining support for the values of liberal democracy across the Old World in recent years, as evidenced by the Brexit vote and the rise of far-right xenophobic movements, little compassion is left for a far-away country such as restricted Taiwan. The stance that US President Trump takes on the issue is still unclear.

 

Prior to the National Day on October 10th, an article was widely shared and discussed on social media. The text claimed that the Chinese military would finally meet the necessities to invade Taiwan by the year 2020. Observers, however, would argue that the Mainland’s military would neither dare nor have the capacity to invade and long-term occupy Taiwan. Alas, that doesn’t mean Taiwan will not see some serious infringement on its liberal democracy. 

 

For Beijing, Taiwan is a threat because the leader of the Communist Party sells the idea to his followers and the West alike that being Chinese and simultaneously a liberal democrat is impossible: the tradition of Confucianism can only live on in the form of the one-party state. Mr Xi Jinping’s fight against corruption and moral misconduct needs to be seen as him catering to the narrative that he has deployed during his first term as president of the People’s Republic of China: emerging to the very top is only possible by applying the highest ethical standards

 

In the West, where democracy is typically deliberately limited by the rights of individuals or specific groups such as minorities, leaders do not cease to praise the Chinese president (and leaders before him) as visionary, innovative, and thoughtful. What they mean is that, due to the autocratic one-party rule, Beijing is capable of following through with policy ideas – such as tackling climate change – that would take years in a democratic framework.

 

The existence of Taiwan, however, reminds Mr. Xi Jinping and the West of the existence of a democracy in a Confucian context. As a matter of fact, Taiwan is not the only liberal democracy of the region. It has potentially powerful allies in South Korea and Japan. All three are allies of the United States, and all three have a similar set of interests when it comes to fighting off a power-hungry China.

 

Yet, for historic reasons, the three have not elaborated on their common policies. And it is doubtful that they will do so anytime soon. Beijing is anything but sad about the disagreements of its democratic rivals across the Sea. In Taipei, Seoul, and Tokyo observers may already be nervous when they anticipate Donald Trump’s visit to China in a few weeks. The US president seems to have been marveling autocratic rulership.

 

One can only hope that the result of the meeting between these two power-hungry men of dubious mindset and character when it comes to civil liberties and liberal freedoms will not be frightening the three truly democratic countries in the region. As for Taiwan, the leadership and the people should be eagerly trying to strengthen their ties with Western allies and the liberal democracies in South Korea and Japan. For China may not be able or willing to invade the country, but it will also not tolerate any further development of a free and independent society for this may, in the logic of Beijing, inevitably lead onto the street of independence. 

 
Alexander Görlach is an advisor to the FDR Foundation’s Defense of Democracy Program. He is also a fellow to the Center for Research in Arts, Social Sciences and Humanities (CRASSH) at the University of Cambridge, UK. He’s a senior fellow to the Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs and a senior advisor to the Berggruen Institute. Alex holds a PhD in linguistics and a PhD in comparative religion. He is the publisher of the online-magazine www.saveliberaldemocracy.com and an op-ed contributor to the New York Times. This academic year he is a visiting scholar to National Taiwan University and City University of Hong Kong. This article represents his views alone, not those of the FDR Foundation or other institutions.